Periodic Reporting for period 2 - FATIGUE (Delayed Transformational Fatigue in Central and Eastern Europe)
Reporting period: 2020-01-01 to 2022-06-30
Populist parties are in power in a number of states, most notably, in Hungary and Poland, where media plural-ism, the protection of minorities, the sovereignty of civil society and the independence of the judiciary have been challenged and weakened. Right-wing populists have also made significant gains in established Western democracies. The rise of right-wing populism thus spells trouble not just for individual states but for the EU as a whole.
Right-wing populism has emerged as a serious political problem in several European countries. Most observers agree that populism constitutes a serious challenge to liberal democracies and the broadly liberal architecture of the EU. Societies have become increasingly divided, the previously established rights of various minorities have been undermined and the rule of law weakened.
The objective of the FATIGUE programme is to understand the causes and consequences of the rise of populism and illiberalism in post-communist Europe. Our Early Stage Researchers (ESRs) analyse these phenomena from various disciplinary perspectives and with a focus on a range of country case studies.
Right-wing populism has emerged as a serious political problem in several European countries. Most observers agree that populism constitutes a serious challenge to liberal democracies and the broadly liberal architecture of the EU. Societies have become increasingly divided, the previously established rights of various minorities have been undermined and the rule of law weakened.
The objective of the FATIGUE programme is to understand the causes and consequences of the rise of populism and illiberalism in post-communist Europe. Our Early Stage Researchers (ESRs) analyse these phenomena from various disciplinary perspectives and with a focus on a range of country case studies.
We recruited 15 ESRs to analyse the phenomenon of populism from various disciplinary perspectives and with a focus on a range of country case studies. To support the intellectual development of the ESRs and to provide them with a range of research skills, we organised a series of consortium-level training workshops (on research design, methodology, comparative analysis: interim results, concept-building, discourse analysis, research-to-policy/stakeholder engagement, publishing and applying for post-doctoral scholarships, culminating in the final conference) and produced individual training plans tailored to the specific needs of each ESR. In addition, each ESR received one-on-one supervision at their home university from leading academics in their field and received feedback from other academics in the consortium. While the economists used existing large-N datasets, the other 12 ESRs generated their own primary data via surveys, interviews and participant observation. The data was analysed by means of social network analysis, critical discourse analysis, frame analysis, thematic analysis and interpretive ethnography. Each ESR had a secondment with a non-academic partner (e.g. British Library and Transparency International) to enhance their practical skills.
All ESRs made significant progress towards the completion of their PhDs in that they produced a Research Design, a Literature Review, two additional chapters and a policy paper. The ESRs disseminated their research through presentations at a range of national and international workshops and conferences. The ESRs presented their findings at general disciplinary conferences (e.g. the European Consortium for Political Research); Area Studies conferences (e.g. the Association for Slavic, East European and Eurasian Studies); and specialist conferences on specific themes (e.g. ‘Abortion Crisis in Poland’).
They further disseminated their research in Area Studies journals (e.g. Europe-Asia Studies); social science journals (e.g. European Politics & Society) and in specialist populism journals (e.g. Journal of Illiberalism Studies). A group of ESRs has prepared a special issue of a journal. In addition to contributing a chapter each to an edited volume ‘Populism in Central and Eastern Europe’ (under review with UCL Press), ESRs have published chapters in edited volumes on, for example, Contested Legacies of 1989. Finally, they have shared their expertise in blogs and in opinion pieces published, for example, in the New York Times.
All ESRs made significant progress towards the completion of their PhDs in that they produced a Research Design, a Literature Review, two additional chapters and a policy paper. The ESRs disseminated their research through presentations at a range of national and international workshops and conferences. The ESRs presented their findings at general disciplinary conferences (e.g. the European Consortium for Political Research); Area Studies conferences (e.g. the Association for Slavic, East European and Eurasian Studies); and specialist conferences on specific themes (e.g. ‘Abortion Crisis in Poland’).
They further disseminated their research in Area Studies journals (e.g. Europe-Asia Studies); social science journals (e.g. European Politics & Society) and in specialist populism journals (e.g. Journal of Illiberalism Studies). A group of ESRs has prepared a special issue of a journal. In addition to contributing a chapter each to an edited volume ‘Populism in Central and Eastern Europe’ (under review with UCL Press), ESRs have published chapters in edited volumes on, for example, Contested Legacies of 1989. Finally, they have shared their expertise in blogs and in opinion pieces published, for example, in the New York Times.
In Work Package 1 (Illiberal democracy and right-wing politics), the three ESRs examined various processes underpinning the development of ‘illiberal democracy’, highlighting the centrality of traditionalism, an-ti-modernism, anti-colonialism, militarism and religion in a range of case studies. In analysing the construction of the ‘people’ in populist discourse, for example, ESR03 identified how the Ukrainian far-right group Svoboda foregrounds young people in constructing the ‘Ukrainian people’ free from foreign influence, while the Alliance of Patriots of Georgia highlights Georgian traditions, appealing to nostalgic sentiment toward a bygone age when the nation was great.
In Work Package 2 (Politics of memory), the three researchers analysed the role of memory in populist politics, demonstrating how history can be manipulated and instrumentalised by populist actors to mobilise (potential) supporters; to legitimise closer or more distant relations between neighbouring states; and, to justify kin-state policies across borders. In her analysis of far-right movements in Eastern Germany, ESR04 demonstrates how historical references to Eastern Germany’s past inspire the discursive construction of far-right activism as ‘democratic’ and the current political establishment, the counter-demonstrators and Islam as ‘leftist-totalitarian’.
In Work Package 3 (Economic populism and inequality), the three researchers looked at the factors underpinning the emergence of economic populism and its contradictory impact on economic growth and convergence among the CEE economies as well as on inequality across the region. In his analysis of the applicability of the concept of economic populism, ESR09 finds that, on the demand side, institutional trust moderates the relationship between the high levels of economic insecurity and populist voting, increasing the propensity to vote among those voter groups who experience economic hardship and who mistrust institutions.
In Work Package 4 (Cultures of reaction: xenophobia, anti-Semitism, homophobia, anti-migrant sentiment), the ESRs discussed how politicians weaponise ethno-cultural difference and/or manipulate shared histories to create social hierarchies within their states. In his research on the weaponisation of Islamophobia, ESR11 demonstrated that inter-personal contacts between ethnic Czechs and ‘relatable subtypes of Muslims’ (e.g. kebab-shop owners or doctors) broke down essentialising stereotypes and helped reduce prejudice. To ensure Muslims were not simply treated as objects of research, ESR11 gave voice to members of the Muslim community, allowing them to share their stories (good and bad) of interacting with local Czechs.
In Work Package 5 (Civil society and protest movements), the ESRs highlighted the importance of framing, political opportunity structures, networks and the mobilisation of resources in the fight against populism and il-liberalism. In her research on the Polish women’s strike, ESR15 highlighted the essential role played by the “transnational feminist diaspora” of Polish women abroad who organised solidarity protests, building connections to Poland and each other. Such transnational connections became instrumental in expressing solidarity across borders and exchanging information about activities of the anti-gender actors in different national con-texts.
Overall, the programme raised the European and global level of expertise by addressing strategic challenges to liberal democracy from various perspectives and advancing the field of comparative and interdisciplinary area studies. Some ESRs have already completed their PhDs and are using the knowledge and skills acquired as a result of FATIGUE as research fellows, assistant professors and members of the EU diplomatic service.
In Work Package 2 (Politics of memory), the three researchers analysed the role of memory in populist politics, demonstrating how history can be manipulated and instrumentalised by populist actors to mobilise (potential) supporters; to legitimise closer or more distant relations between neighbouring states; and, to justify kin-state policies across borders. In her analysis of far-right movements in Eastern Germany, ESR04 demonstrates how historical references to Eastern Germany’s past inspire the discursive construction of far-right activism as ‘democratic’ and the current political establishment, the counter-demonstrators and Islam as ‘leftist-totalitarian’.
In Work Package 3 (Economic populism and inequality), the three researchers looked at the factors underpinning the emergence of economic populism and its contradictory impact on economic growth and convergence among the CEE economies as well as on inequality across the region. In his analysis of the applicability of the concept of economic populism, ESR09 finds that, on the demand side, institutional trust moderates the relationship between the high levels of economic insecurity and populist voting, increasing the propensity to vote among those voter groups who experience economic hardship and who mistrust institutions.
In Work Package 4 (Cultures of reaction: xenophobia, anti-Semitism, homophobia, anti-migrant sentiment), the ESRs discussed how politicians weaponise ethno-cultural difference and/or manipulate shared histories to create social hierarchies within their states. In his research on the weaponisation of Islamophobia, ESR11 demonstrated that inter-personal contacts between ethnic Czechs and ‘relatable subtypes of Muslims’ (e.g. kebab-shop owners or doctors) broke down essentialising stereotypes and helped reduce prejudice. To ensure Muslims were not simply treated as objects of research, ESR11 gave voice to members of the Muslim community, allowing them to share their stories (good and bad) of interacting with local Czechs.
In Work Package 5 (Civil society and protest movements), the ESRs highlighted the importance of framing, political opportunity structures, networks and the mobilisation of resources in the fight against populism and il-liberalism. In her research on the Polish women’s strike, ESR15 highlighted the essential role played by the “transnational feminist diaspora” of Polish women abroad who organised solidarity protests, building connections to Poland and each other. Such transnational connections became instrumental in expressing solidarity across borders and exchanging information about activities of the anti-gender actors in different national con-texts.
Overall, the programme raised the European and global level of expertise by addressing strategic challenges to liberal democracy from various perspectives and advancing the field of comparative and interdisciplinary area studies. Some ESRs have already completed their PhDs and are using the knowledge and skills acquired as a result of FATIGUE as research fellows, assistant professors and members of the EU diplomatic service.