We have advanced our research project in three main areas: methods, data, and analyses.
Methods: We are pioneering new approaches to studying social mobility among siblings. We have developed specialized statistical software that can handle complex sibling data, now publicly available for the wider research community. In addition, we have introduced several novel statistical techniques that offer a more nuanced understanding of why siblings end up in similar or different social positions as adults. These contributions have been published in peer-reviewed international journals.
Data: We have built a large cross-national database combining information on siblings’ social class positions, upbringing, and parental background. The database integrates more than 20 datasets from 11 countries and covers over 400,000 siblings. We have also linked in country-level variables such as inequality and educational expenditure to allow richer contextual analysis. Our data construction process is fully documented, ensuring transparency and replicability. In addition, we fielded a comprehensive survey in Denmark of around 70,000 first cousins and their parents, collecting unique information on political attitudes.
Analyses: Drawing on our methodological and data advances, we have carried out the following studies:
(1) We investigated sibling social class mobility across ten industrialized countries. Findings reveal surprisingly little cross-country variation, with important theoretical implications.
(2) We examined how marital status and gender influence socio-economic similarities among siblings, using data from the United States and Denmark.
(3) We analyzed whether sibling similarities in occupation and income are due to the same or different family characteristics. Using data from Denmark and the United States, we found that both outcomes are shaped by largely the same family factors.
(4) We studied how family background affects income across different stages of the life course, finding a surprising life time stability in the influence of family background.
(5) We used Danish administrative data to assess how the financial returns to different college programs vary with family background and parents’ educational choices. For example, we examined whether siblings are more financially successful when they follow the same educational paths as their parents.
(6) We conducted the first comparative study of sibling similarities in income “instability” across Denmark, Germany, and the United States. We find that family background matters for exposure to volatility, but more so in the United States and Germany than in Denmark.
(7) We are examining how family background shapes political attitudes, including orientations towards political parties, and the extent to which these family influences overlap with those affecting educational attainment.
(8) We studied how older parents allocate time and resources among their children’s families, focusing on factors such as gender and education.
Collectively, these projects advance our understanding of how family background shapes social and economic mobility. They make important contributions to academic theory and have significant implications for policy debates on inequality and intergenerational transmission.
